- Av. Blasco Ibáñez, 32. 46010 València
Andreu Sentí
Universitat de València, Departament de Filologia Catalana, Faculty Member
This paper presents a proposal for teaching the Catalan ho-transitive construction for students of Catalan as a second language in secondary education, in the framework of a research in which we aim to empirically analyze the advantages... more
This paper presents a proposal for teaching the Catalan ho-transitive construction for students of Catalan as a second language in secondary education, in the framework of a research in which we aim to empirically analyze the advantages (or not) of construction grammar as a theoretical model to implement a pedagogical grammar (Goldberg, 1995, 2006; Ellis, 2013; De Knop & Gilquin, 2016).
This work characterizes and argues the application of this grammatical model in the case of the pronoun ho, an approach that fits well with a form-focused teaching instruction, particularly successful in second language
acquisition (Nassaji, 2017). The teaching instruction experiment presented incorporates an initial test and a final test of grammar and oral and written language skills as well as two parallel teaching sequences, one following
the constructional model and the other a traditional grammar. The constructional teaching sequence is an alternative to current teaching practice and, in addition, assumes a communicative approach with special
attention to oral production and interaction. All these materials are available to put into practice in a teaching experiment in the secondary school classroom.
This work characterizes and argues the application of this grammatical model in the case of the pronoun ho, an approach that fits well with a form-focused teaching instruction, particularly successful in second language
acquisition (Nassaji, 2017). The teaching instruction experiment presented incorporates an initial test and a final test of grammar and oral and written language skills as well as two parallel teaching sequences, one following
the constructional model and the other a traditional grammar. The constructional teaching sequence is an alternative to current teaching practice and, in addition, assumes a communicative approach with special
attention to oral production and interaction. All these materials are available to put into practice in a teaching experiment in the secondary school classroom.
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This chapter presents a study of the modal construction with the verb deure ('must') at the beginning of the Contemporary Catalan period (from 1833), based on some written and spoken corpora (CTILC, COD, Parlars). In the 19th century, the... more
This chapter presents a study of the modal construction with the verb deure ('must') at the beginning of the Contemporary Catalan period (from 1833), based on some written and spoken corpora (CTILC, COD, Parlars). In the 19th century, the modal deure consolidates the inferential evidential value, which had already emerged in Old Catalan (Sentí 2015a, 2015b), while its original deontic modality value decreases. During the 20th century, the auxiliary deure loses its deontic value in most of Catalan dialects. In this study we discuss the new subjective values of deure (generic inference and conjecture, cf. Squartini 2008) compared to other Romance languages; also new pragmatic uses are observed (i.e. interrogative sentences) and new intersubjective uses are discussed (Traugott 2003). In previous works on Old Catalan (Sentí 2018a), the inferential reading of deure had been considered evidential and not epistemic. The new data from the 19th-20th centuries, displaying entirely subjective uses (as well as intersubjective ones), challenge the relation between both categories, evidentiality and epistemic modality.
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The romance future and conditional tenses are the result of the grammaticalization of Latin periphrasis, mainly CANTARE HABEO. In some medieval Romance languages, including Catalan, two types of forms existed: synthetic forms (faré ‘I... more
The romance future and conditional tenses are the result of the grammaticalization of Latin periphrasis, mainly CANTARE HABEO. In some medieval Romance languages, including Catalan, two types of forms existed: synthetic forms (faré ‘I will do’) and analytical forms (fer-lo he ‘I will do it’).
Analytical forms do not present univerbation and are thus less grammaticalized than synthetic forms.
The present work aims to study the distribution of synthetic and analytical forms diachronically. A diachronic corpus (11th c.–16th c.) was compiled to serve this purpose. According to the syntactic restrictions of clitic placement, analytical forms could appear in the same syntactic environments than synthetic forms with postverbal pronouns (faré-lo ‘I will do it’). Therefore, only those contexts are analysed to assess the degree of grammaticalization. Some recent works point out that the grammaticalization of future and conditional was more advanced in the eastern languages of the Iberian Peninsula, such as Catalan, than in the western ones. The results from our corpus confirm these differences. In addition, the data show another grammaticalization process: the evolution of
clitic placement towards a fixed preverbal position.
Analytical forms do not present univerbation and are thus less grammaticalized than synthetic forms.
The present work aims to study the distribution of synthetic and analytical forms diachronically. A diachronic corpus (11th c.–16th c.) was compiled to serve this purpose. According to the syntactic restrictions of clitic placement, analytical forms could appear in the same syntactic environments than synthetic forms with postverbal pronouns (faré-lo ‘I will do it’). Therefore, only those contexts are analysed to assess the degree of grammaticalization. Some recent works point out that the grammaticalization of future and conditional was more advanced in the eastern languages of the Iberian Peninsula, such as Catalan, than in the western ones. The results from our corpus confirm these differences. In addition, the data show another grammaticalization process: the evolution of
clitic placement towards a fixed preverbal position.
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Cognitive Construction Grammar (CCG) is a linguistic theory with certain specific features (construction, prototype and frequency of exposition) that could prove crucial as regards devising efficient pedagogic grammar. Since it has been... more
Cognitive Construction Grammar (CCG) is a linguistic theory with certain specific features (construction, prototype and frequency of exposition) that could prove crucial as regards devising efficient pedagogic grammar. Since it has been demonstrated that grammatical theories focussingon form and the negotiation of meaning are more effectivein the field of L2 learning (Ellis 2013, Nassaji 2017), CCG could be an appropriate theoretical approach by which to teach languages at schools. The objective of this chapter is to assess the efficiency of CCG as a theoretical method with which to improve the speaking and writing skills of Catalan L2 speakers. We, therefore, present a case studycarried out with Secondary School students in Barcelona. The experiment concerned the Catalan EN-PARTITIVE construction: a construction with a transitive verb, a quantifier and the partitive clitic en: En tinc dos [de llibres] (‘I have two [books]’). The intervention was carried out with two groups, to which the same methodology was applied. However, one group was taught using CCG, while the other was taught by means of a more traditional model currently employed in the school curricula and based on Generative Grammar. The results of both groups show the difficulties involved in acquiring this kind of constructions and provide some ideas for future research.
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Although the distribution of pronominal clitics in Old Catalan has been (Fischer 2002; Batllori et al. 2005), there are no quantitative studies detailing preverbal or postverbal clitics nor their diachronic evolution. The clitics the... more
Although the distribution of pronominal clitics in Old Catalan has been
(Fischer 2002; Batllori et al. 2005), there are no quantitative studies detailing
preverbal or postverbal clitics nor their diachronic evolution. The clitics
the future and conditional tense (FC) are worth a separate mention, since
from periphrastic structures that involve an infinitive and the auxiliary verb
could appear as an analytic (dir-li he) or a synthetic form (li diré or diré-li).
they display parallel distributions, using a text from the 13th century, to wit
article analyses the pragmatic-syntactic environments in which the clitic are
the degree of grammaticalization and univerbation of the FC. Following
Bouzouita & Sentí 2022), it is argued that the FC in Catalan appear to exhibit a more advanced degree of grammaticalization than the western languages of the Iberian Peninsula.
(Fischer 2002; Batllori et al. 2005), there are no quantitative studies detailing
preverbal or postverbal clitics nor their diachronic evolution. The clitics
the future and conditional tense (FC) are worth a separate mention, since
from periphrastic structures that involve an infinitive and the auxiliary verb
could appear as an analytic (dir-li he) or a synthetic form (li diré or diré-li).
they display parallel distributions, using a text from the 13th century, to wit
article analyses the pragmatic-syntactic environments in which the clitic are
the degree of grammaticalization and univerbation of the FC. Following
Bouzouita & Sentí 2022), it is argued that the FC in Catalan appear to exhibit a more advanced degree of grammaticalization than the western languages of the Iberian Peninsula.
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En la gramaticalización del futuro (F) y condicional (C) a partir de la estructura perifrástica [infinitivo + habere] en las lenguas románicas, aparecen las denominadas formas analíticas (cantar la han) y sintéticas (la cantaran o... more
En la gramaticalización del futuro (F) y condicional (C) a partir de la
estructura perifrástica [infinitivo + habere] en las lenguas románicas, aparecen las denominadas formas analíticas (cantar la han) y sintéticas (la cantaran o cantaran-la) cuando se combinan con pronombres átonos. Esta variación muestra que todavía no se ha alcanzado totalmente la gramaticalización del F y C, puesto que falta la univerbación (Lehmann 2020). Este capítulo pretende indagar en la hipótesis diatópica: las lenguas y variedades orientales de la península ibérica presentan un estado de gramaticalización más avanzado de los F y C. Para llevarlo a cabo, el estudio presenta un análisis de corpus paralelo del castellano y catalán antiguos a partir de traducciones bíblicas del siglo XIV. Los resultados cuantitativos indican para el catalán un menor uso de la forma analítica (mesoclisis) y el uso de la enclisis, que no se documenta en el texto castellano. Cualitativamente, se analizan los entornos pragmático-sintácticos y el catalán muestra contextos con proclisis novedosa, respecto del castellano.
estructura perifrástica [infinitivo + habere] en las lenguas románicas, aparecen las denominadas formas analíticas (cantar la han) y sintéticas (la cantaran o cantaran-la) cuando se combinan con pronombres átonos. Esta variación muestra que todavía no se ha alcanzado totalmente la gramaticalización del F y C, puesto que falta la univerbación (Lehmann 2020). Este capítulo pretende indagar en la hipótesis diatópica: las lenguas y variedades orientales de la península ibérica presentan un estado de gramaticalización más avanzado de los F y C. Para llevarlo a cabo, el estudio presenta un análisis de corpus paralelo del castellano y catalán antiguos a partir de traducciones bíblicas del siglo XIV. Los resultados cuantitativos indican para el catalán un menor uso de la forma analítica (mesoclisis) y el uso de la enclisis, que no se documenta en el texto castellano. Cualitativamente, se analizan los entornos pragmático-sintácticos y el catalán muestra contextos con proclisis novedosa, respecto del castellano.
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In Romance, epistemic readings of modal verbs have traditionally been dealt with in terms of probability or epistemic commitment of the speaker (Spanish deber, French devoir, Italian dovere). Over the last years, new contributions have... more
In Romance, epistemic readings of modal verbs have traditionally been dealt with in terms of probability or epistemic commitment of the speaker (Spanish deber, French devoir, Italian dovere). Over the last years, new contributions have suggested the shared epistemic and evidential nature of these auxiliary verbs, with special attention to their evidential inferential value (cf. Squartini 2004, 2008, Pietrandrea 2005, Cornillie 2007). Moreover, Cornillie (2009) argues that an evidential expression can have different epistemic readings and, hence, often demonstrates varying degrees of commitment. This chapter is concerned with the rise of the evidential reading of the Catalan modal verb deure which emerges from original dynamic and deontic readings (Sentí 2017). An in-depth analysis of the semantic and pragmatic features of the bridging contexts attested in the corpus (CICA) will account for the conventionalization of the new meaning between the origins of the Catalan language and the 16th century. The analysis of the empirical data confirms the view of deure as an evidential verb, with only secondary epistemic effects. In line with Cornillie (2009), inferential readings cannot be defined in terms of a specific degree of epistemic commitment.
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Presentació del monogràfic «Spoken Corpus Linguistics in Romance: thoughts, design and results», coordinat per Miquel Esplà-Gomis i Andreu Sentí.
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This study deals with an Catalan evidential marker without a written tradition, but mainly an oral one: diu que ('(s)he.says.that', 'it is said that'), a Romance correlate for dizque (Spanish) or dice che (Italian) (cf. Travis 2006,... more
This study deals with an Catalan evidential marker without a written tradition, but mainly an oral one: diu que ('(s)he.says.that', 'it is said that'), a Romance correlate for dizque (Spanish) or dice che (Italian) (cf. Travis 2006, Cruschina 2015, Alcázar 2018). The spoken, dialectal and, to some extent, residual nature of this marker forces us to search for different sources in order to approach it. The study focuses on the oral recordings of Museu de la Paraula [Word Museum]-an ethnological archive with monological spoken texts-will be completed with the examination of the first results of the colloquial corpus Parlars-a dialectal and informal corpus with monological and dialogical spoken texts. The analysis of diu que and the corpus data show a partially grammaticalized construction with a reportative evidential value. A mirative extension can be also found, but not a pure epistemic meaning. Also, the rise of diu que has been seen as an example of grammatical constructionalization with a tendency towards more subjective meanings, from a quotative strategy to a reportative evidential marker. Related markers such as que diu que or the conventional formula to begin tales això diu que era have been attested.
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The dissemination of the standard form of the language has not always been easy for such languages as Catalan. Even so, the standard form of Catalan has taken root among the Valen-cian people with a certain success (Segura, 2003;... more
The dissemination of the standard form of the language has not always been easy for such languages as Catalan. Even so, the standard form of Catalan has taken root among the Valen-cian people with a certain success (Segura, 2003; Baldaquí, 2015). Recently, however, the publication of the Diccionari normatiu valencià (DNV, AVL) has marked a partial change in the lexical component of the standard language for Valencian Catalan. This paper deals with some words which do not appear in the prescriptive dictionary (Diccionari de la llengua cata-lana, DIEC2, IEC), such as clevill, gasto, roín and ximenera, but which are indeed included in the DNV, as well as other words which are secondary forms in the DIEC2 but primary in the DNV, thus giving preference to vacacions, parat, catxerulo and entropessar as opposed to vacances, aturat, milotxa and ensopegar, to give some examples. This study is based on surveys among young Valencians. They have been asked about their lexical preferences regarding some words in the standard form of the language. Our aim is to assess the degree of introduc- tion and dissemination of different words and the attitudes young people show with respect to them. Following a cognitive sociolinguistics approach (Geeraerts, Kristiansen & Peirsman, 2010), the findings of this study show that the standard form of Valencian is prototypically formed by the words of the general standard form of Catalan and of the so-called convergent standard.
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This paper presents a study of the modal construction with the verb deure (‘must’) in the 19th century, based on two corpora (CIGCM and CTILC). In this century, the modal deure consolidates the inferential evidential value, which had... more
This paper presents a study of the modal construction with the verb deure (‘must’) in the 19th century, based on two corpora (CIGCM and CTILC). In this century, the modal deure consolidates the inferential evidential value, which had already emerged in Old Catalan (Sentí 2017), and developed maximum subjective values compared with other Romance languages (generic inference and conjecture, cf. Squartini 2008). New pragmatic uses are observed (interrogative sentences) and new intersubjective (Traugott 2003) and mirative uses are discussed. We also analyze the values of necessity that still survive, following Nuyts’ (2005) proposal: deontic and dynamic modality and a directive value.
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Epistemic modality and evidentiality are two categories that have not been clearly defined in the literature. In order to clarify the boundaries between them, I draw a detailed semantic map for Catalan modal verbs "deure" (‘must’), "haver... more
Epistemic modality and evidentiality are two categories that have not been clearly defined in the literature. In order to clarify the boundaries between them, I draw a detailed semantic map for Catalan modal verbs "deure" (‘must’), "haver de" (‘have to’) and "poder" (‘can/may’) in the Old period (11th–16th centuries). On the one hand, the modals "deure" and "haver de" develop an evidential reading (inferential process). On the other hand, an epistemic possibility value arises in the case of "poder", which is not based on any explicit premise. I show that all these verbs are subjectively construed in different degrees and argue that a clear distinction between the subjective values and an evidential or epistemic interpretation is paramount.
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The process of grammaticalization of Catalan modal verbs deure, haver and tenir involves a semantic change, a rise of new meanings and an increase in their semantic network. On the one hand, deontic modal verbs develop inferential... more
The process of grammaticalization of Catalan modal verbs deure, haver and tenir involves a semantic change, a rise of new meanings and an increase in their semantic network. On the one hand, deontic modal verbs develop inferential evidential meanings, and, on the other, future meanings (posteriority).
This corpus-based study focuses on the rise of future meanings of above-mentioned modal verbs (between the 12 th and the 16 th centuries). We have been able to analyse the process of grammaticalization with absolute reliability thanks to the applied technology of the Corpus of Old Catalan (CICA and CIGCA), in which linguistic variation is quite representative. This study takes a cognitive perspective (Langacker 1987, 1991, 1999, 2006; Pelyvás 2000, 2006) that provides us with the tools to set up a semantic network and the paths of semantic change.
This corpus-based study focuses on the rise of future meanings of above-mentioned modal verbs (between the 12 th and the 16 th centuries). We have been able to analyse the process of grammaticalization with absolute reliability thanks to the applied technology of the Corpus of Old Catalan (CICA and CIGCA), in which linguistic variation is quite representative. This study takes a cognitive perspective (Langacker 1987, 1991, 1999, 2006; Pelyvás 2000, 2006) that provides us with the tools to set up a semantic network and the paths of semantic change.
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This corpus-based study focuses on the rise of evidential meanings of Catalan modal verb deure ('must') from its original deontic meaning (between the 12th and the 16th centuries). We have been able to analyse the process of... more
This corpus-based study focuses on the rise of evidential meanings of Catalan modal verb deure ('must') from its original deontic meaning (between the 12th and the 16th centuries). We have been able to analyse the process of grammaticalization with absolute reliability thanks to the applied technology of the Corpus of Old Catalan (CICA and CIGCA), in which linguistic variation is quite representative. This study takes a cognitive perspective (Langacker 1987, 1991, 1999, 2006; Pelyvás 2000, 2006) that provides us with the tools to set up a semantic network and the paths of semantic change.
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En aquest article volem descriure els valors evidencials que desenvolupen el verb parèixer i la perífrasi verbal deure + infinitiu en català antic i explicar com s'han generat. Es tracta de dos recursos bàsics per a l'expressió de... more
En aquest article volem descriure els valors evidencials que desenvolupen el verb parèixer i la perífrasi verbal deure + infinitiu en català antic i explicar com s'han generat. Es tracta de dos recursos bàsics per a l'expressió de l'evidencialitat inferencial que han seguit un procés de canvi semàntic paral·lel. L'estudi d'aquest procés, que s'ha fet amb dades de corpus analitzades amb una metodologia cognitiva, revela que l'aflorament dels nous valors es pot explicar com a resultat d'un procés de gramaticalització en què, a poc a poc, hi ha una major subjectivació, tendència que s'explica, en darrer terme, pel mecanisme de la inferència invitada (Traugott & Dasher 2002). A més, l'anàlisi dels diferents valors evidencials ens ha permès constatar que cal una classificació més detallada de la tipologia tradicional d'evidencials d'inferència (Willet 1988), i és per a superar aquestes limitacions que hem aplicat la proposta de Squartini (2008). En definitiva, tot plegat ens ha possibilitat obrir una línia de recerca sobre els marcadors evidencials d'inferència i el procés de canvi lingüístic que els genera en llengües com el català en què no hi ha una categoria gramatical evidencial..
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to describe the evidential values developed by the verb parèixer ('seem') and the modal periphrasis deure ('must') + infinitive in Old Catalan, and to explain how they arose. These two ways of conveying inferential evidentiality have undergone a parallel process of semantic change. The study of this process, which has been carried out basing on corpora data analyzed from a cognitive perspective, reveals that the rise of new meanings can be explained as a result of a grammaticalization process. Grammaticalization entails a progressive process of subjec-tification, which can be accounted for through the mechanism of invited inferencing (Traugott & Dasher 2002). Moreover, the analysis of different evidential senses allows us to confirm that a more fine-grained analysis of the traditional typology of inferential evidentiality is needed (Willet 1988). In order to overcome these limitations we have applied Squartini's (2008) proposal. In short, this study could open a door for a new line of research about inferential evidential markers and the process of linguistic change that generated these markers in languages with no evidential grammatical category like Catalan.
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to describe the evidential values developed by the verb parèixer ('seem') and the modal periphrasis deure ('must') + infinitive in Old Catalan, and to explain how they arose. These two ways of conveying inferential evidentiality have undergone a parallel process of semantic change. The study of this process, which has been carried out basing on corpora data analyzed from a cognitive perspective, reveals that the rise of new meanings can be explained as a result of a grammaticalization process. Grammaticalization entails a progressive process of subjec-tification, which can be accounted for through the mechanism of invited inferencing (Traugott & Dasher 2002). Moreover, the analysis of different evidential senses allows us to confirm that a more fine-grained analysis of the traditional typology of inferential evidentiality is needed (Willet 1988). In order to overcome these limitations we have applied Squartini's (2008) proposal. In short, this study could open a door for a new line of research about inferential evidential markers and the process of linguistic change that generated these markers in languages with no evidential grammatical category like Catalan.
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L’objectiu d’aquesta comunicació és analitzar els valors pragmaticosemàntics epistèmics de l’auxiliar deure en el català del segle XV i XVI. Aquesta perífrasi modal d’obligació es va formar en la llengua llatina i des de llavors que... more
L’objectiu d’aquesta comunicació és analitzar els valors pragmaticosemàntics epistèmics de l’auxiliar deure en el català del segle XV i XVI. Aquesta perífrasi modal d’obligació es va formar en la llengua llatina i des de llavors que s’està gramaticalitzant, la qual cosa ha suposat un procés de canvi semàntic i enriquiment de la perífrasi amb valors nous: el futur programat i la necessitat epistèmica (Sentí 2010a, en premsa, 2010b). Al segle XV, sembla que els valors que han sorgit ja no són només interpretacions pragmàtiques sinó que s’han semantitzat –o estan a punt de fer-ho. Al segle XVI, el valor de futur gairebé desapareix, mentre que el significat epistèmic es consolida i es convencionalitza. Amb les dades que ens aporta el Corpus Informatitzat del Català Antic (CICA), i amb les eines de la lingüística descriptiva, postularem una anàlisi de deureE com a marcador de l’evidencialitat inferencial –basant-nos en les aportacions teòriques de Dendale (1994), Plungian (2001), Squartini (2008) i Cornillie (2007, 2009).
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Aquest article presenta un estudi de corpus sobre la gramaticalització de la perífrasi modal de necessitat <haver (a/de) + Inf> en català antic, en el marc de les aportacions del cognitivisme (Langacker 1991, 1999, 2006; Pelyvás 2000). A... more
Aquest article presenta un estudi de corpus sobre la gramaticalització de la perífrasi modal de necessitat <haver (a/de) + Inf> en català antic, en el marc de les aportacions del cognitivisme (Langacker 1991, 1999, 2006; Pelyvás 2000). A partir del valor prototípic, la necessitat externa al participant, la perífrasi desenvolupa matisos nous, en què s’atenua la interacció de forces de l’esquema conceptual. El canvi semàntic es produeix quan els valors nous ja no s’adequen a l’esquema conceptual prototípic, sinó que s’ha modificat. L’atenuació del locus de potència permet aflorar el valor de futur i l’evidencial, la qual cosa posa de manifest una conformació de l’estructura conceptual de la perífrasi molt més subjectiva. L’article defensa que el verb haver adquireix la capacitat d’ancorar l’esdeveniment al context i, per tant, s’alinea amb els que han defensat que les predicacions d’ancoratge no es poden reduir als verbs modals anglesos (Mortelmans 2002; Cornillie 2005, 2007).
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Resum Aquest article presenta els resultats d'un estudi de corpus en què es descriu la gramaticalització de les perífrasis <haver + (a / de / ø) + Inf> i <ésser tengut + de + Inf> en els primers textos de la llengua catalana (fins a... more
Resum Aquest article presenta els resultats d'un estudi de corpus en què es descriu la gramaticalització de les perífrasis <haver + (a / de / ø) + Inf> i <ésser tengut + de + Inf> en els primers textos de la llengua catalana (fins a 1250). A més a més, aquests resultats es contrasten amb l'evolució de la perífrasi <deure + Inf> (Sentí 2010c) per tal d'obtenir el mapa semàntic de la modalitat deòntica en català arcaic. Per a la Dra. Beatrice Schmid, en reconeixement a la seua dedicació a la llengua catalana antiga i a la cultura catalana en general. Amb gratitud i estima pel seu mestratge en l'estudi de les perífrasis verbals. 1. Introducció 1 Les perífrasis modals que expressen obligació són <deure + Inf>, <haver + (a / de / ø) + Inf>, <tenir + (a / de / ø) + Inf>, <ésser tengut + (a / de / ø) + Inf> i <ser + de + Inf>. La normativa catalana contemporània ha recomanat l'ús de haver de (Fabra 1956: § 97) per a expressar l'obligació i la tradició posterior ha qüestionat l'ús de les perífrasis amb tenir i deure (Badia 1975: § 192). Tot i això, en valencià, encara trobem deure com a auxiliar deòntic i, arreu del territori, podem trobar tenir de. En aquest treball analitzarem la relació semàntica de les perífrasis modals en català arcaic, és a dir, en els primers textos de la llengua catalana (des dels orígens fins a 1250). Partim d'uns treballs anteriors en què vam analitzar la gramaticalització de <deure + Inf> (Sentí 2010a, 2010b, 2010c). Ara presentem els resultats d'un estudi de corpus en què descriurem la gramaticalització de les perífrasis <haver + (a / de / ø) + Inf> i <ésser tengut
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Llengua & Literatura: revista anual de la Societat Catalana de Llengua i Literatura (Barcelona), vol. 21, pg. 407-424.
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Empiric assessment of learning the Catalan EN-PARTITIVE construction: "En tinc dos" ('I have two')
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The constructionalization of modal adverbs is a non-typical case neither of grammaticalization nor lexicalization. I this talk deal with the specific case of the Catalan epistemic adverb "potser" (‘maybe’), in order exanimate if it is a... more
The constructionalization of modal adverbs is a non-typical case neither of grammaticalization nor lexicalization. I this talk deal with the specific case of the Catalan epistemic adverb "potser" (‘maybe’), in order exanimate if it is a case of grammatical or lexical constructionalization, following Traugott & Trousdale (2013)’s proposal.
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In this corpus-based study on the Catalan modal verb "deure" ('must'), it is shown that the inferential meaning becomes the core value of the construction during the 19th c., at the expense of deontic modality. This presentation focuses... more
In this corpus-based study on the Catalan modal verb "deure" ('must'), it is shown that the inferential meaning becomes the core value of the construction during the 19th c., at the expense of deontic modality. This presentation focuses on the inferential values. Squartini’s (2008) inferential gradient is useful to account for the diachrony of Catalan "deure" because this verb expresses not only specific and generic inferences (like other Romance Languages), but also conjecture. As in the case of the Germanic family, English "must" also has this conjectural value whereas this is not the case of German "müssen" and Dutch "moeten" (Mortelmans 2012). In the case of Catalan, "deure" becomes a more subjective inferential marker, with some intersubjective uses. A mirative pragmatic use can also be found, like the Italian inferential future (Squartini 2018).
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I look into the process of grammaticalization of the modal periphrasis <poder + INFINITIVE> in Old Catalan (in the 12th -16th centuries).
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L'objectiu d'aquest estudi és analitzar la percepció i l’actitud dels parlants usuaris habituals de la llengua catalana estàndard amb relació al model lingüístic de referència que han assumit. Ens proposem entendre quina penetració té... more
L'objectiu d'aquest estudi és analitzar la percepció i l’actitud dels parlants usuaris habituals de la llengua catalana estàndard amb relació al model lingüístic de referència que han assumit. Ens proposem entendre quina penetració té l’estàndard i com perceben els parlants els diversos models que es difonen.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
From an onomasiological perspective, I draw a detailed semantic map on modality and evidentiality in order to clarify the relationship between both domains in Old Catalan (in the case of modal verbs deure, haver de, and poder).